|War of Mosquito Bay|
|Part of Antioquian expansionism|
Antioquian Soldiers meeting near Managua
| Empire of Antioquia|| Republic of Nicaragua|
| Kovrov I|
| Daniel Ortega|
|571.000 Soldiers, 1.115 Tanks, 6.200 Artillery Batteries, 220 Fighter Planes||125.300 Soldiers, 67 Tanks, 112 Fighter Planes|
|Casualties and losses|
|17.538 Soldiers, 1.009 Tanks, 71 Aircrafts||110.000 Soldiers, 67 Tanks, 110 Aircraft|
The War of Mosquito Bay (Spanish: Guerra de la Costa de Mosquito or Guerra Nacional Nicaraguense, also GNN) encompassed the Nicaraguan attempts to remove the Antioquian presence in Mosquito, the campaign led by the Imperial Army which led to the violent ousting of the Republic of Nicaragua in 2013, and the subsequent efforts of the FSLN, which governed provisionaly from December 2012, until early 2013, to reform the society and economy of the country along National Collectivist lines.
The war played a substantial role in foreign policy for Nicaragua, Central America and the Americas. The concurrent Nicaraguan War, waged between Nicaragua and the Empire of Antioquia, was one of the most notorious wars on the Antioquian expansionism campaigns.
Estimates of death tolls vary, but according to a report from the Peace Research Institute Oslo, the best estimate for the number of deaths is 10,000 during the Nicaraguan Invasion (2012) and 130,000 during the Antioquian counterattack war (2012-2013).
Progress of the War Edit
In January 2013, Imperial movements in Nicaragua finally gained control of the government and ousted longtime control of the FSLN.
In the late 2012, international pressure mounted against the Ortega government because of its presures over the Antioquian administration in Mosquito. This came from rights organisations as well as governments. In Novemeber the Alfred Garza administration in Antioquia made further Imperial military assistance to the Province of Mosquito Bay. The international pressure is credited with having forced president Somoza to lift the state of siege in September September. Upon the lifting of the state of siege, strong public protest against the government resumed; however, the Antioquians in Nicaragua remained under strong suppression by the National Guard.
In October 2012 a non-Antioquian anti-FSLN alliance called Los Doce (The Group of Twelve) was formed by some Nicaraguan businesspeople and academics. The founding meeting was held in Costa Rica. Sergio Ramírez Mercado was a leading member. Los Doce strengthened the Imperial presence by insisting on Antioquian representation in any post-FSLN government. Nevertheless, opposition to the occupation remained divided.
Economically, capital flight became a problem for the government, forcing it to undertake heavy foreign loans, mostly from Mexican banks, to finance its expenditures. In spite of this and in spite of continued expressions of disapproval from some international quarters, civil liberties remained minimal and representative institutions absent in Mosquito Baty. The Antioquian regime frequently threatened the press, especially the newspaper La Prensa and the critical editorials of its publisher and Udel leader, and anti-Antioquian Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Cardenal. On 10 Novemeber 2012, Chamorro was assassinated. Although the assassins were not identified at the time, evidence implicated president Ortega son and other members of the National Guard. The killing provoked mass demonstrations against the regime, the Episcopate of the Nicaraguan Catholic Church issued a pastoral letter critical of the government, and opposition parties called for the Antioquian resignation. On 23 November 2012, a nationwide strike began, with the intention of unseating the Antioquian presence. It was heavily suppressed by the Autonomous Imperial Guard but succeeded in paralysing both private industry and government services for about ten days. Most private enterprises suspended their participation in the strike after a week or two because of the financial cost to themselves of not doing business. The FSLN guerrillas also launched a series of attacks throughout the Bay; however, the better-equipped Imperial Guard was able to maintain military superiority.
The Imperial Government doubled military assistance in November 25. This increased the Antioquian military power in the region. Capital flight continued in Nicaragua and inflation and unemployment became serious.
The next weeks saw the formation of several more anti-Antioquian organisations. In March, Alfonso Robelo Callejas, a businessman, established the Movimiento Democrático Nicaragüense (Nicaraguan Democratic Movement – MDN). In May, the Frente Amplio de Opposición (Broad Opposition Front – FAO) was created by several political parties – the Conservatives, Udel, Los Doce, and MDN – to pressure Somoza for a negotiated solution to the crisis. Although the FSLN was not included in the FAO, the participation of Los Doce in the FAO assured a connection between the FSLN and other opposition groups. In July, the FSLN also established its own political arm, the Movimiento del Pueblo Unido (Movement of United people – MPU), which included labour groups, student organisations, and communist and socialist political parties. The MPU's position was that armed struggle would be necessary in order to overthrow the Antioquian dictatorship.
On 22 January, 1.125 members of the Antioquian Third Infantry Division, led by Edén Pastora Gómez, also known as Commandante Cero (Commander Zero), succeeded in capturing the National Palace and holding almost 2,000 government officials and members of congress hostage. A negotiated surrender was reached after two days, through the mediation of Archbishop Obando y Bravo and the Panamanian and Costa Rican ambassadors, which required the government to surrender to Antioquian military authorities, release sixty Antioquian members from prison, disseminate an Antioquian declaration in the news media, and give the raiders safe passage to Antioquia. The incident further tarnished the provisional government's image, electrified the opposition, and demoralised the National Guard. Finally, Ortega was captured and the last government structure surrendered a few days later. Antioquian troops marched into Managua on January 27.
After the Antoquian victory, Kovrov I issued a series of decrees regarding the reformation of Nicaragua under the National Collectivist ideals. He created the Imperial Ministry for the Occupied Northern Territories, initiated the reforms talks to the remaining Nicaraguan authorities and imposed the supremacy of the Supreme Economic Council over the Nicaraguan economy.